This paper describes the evolution of the Non-Proliferation Regime through its major phases and the dynamics of the transformation which marked these phases, through a contextualisation of the security or geo-strategic environment of each phase. This paper has also made a conceptual study of the regime and the philosophical framework that shape the creation of the regime and its major shifts and makes an assessment of the concept of the non-proliferation regime through the Regime Theory framework and attempts to explain the paradigm that shaped the regime’s initial principles and goes on to explain the evolution in terms of the paradigmatic shifts. The attempt is to analyse the Indian approach to the regime through its response to the major structures and norms formulated by the regime during its evolution. It explains India’s policy on the regime’s fundamental tools on three key areas: non-proliferation, disarmament and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The analysis being done through these categories will look at India’s policy on or approaches towards key instruments like the NPT, nuclear test ban, ending fissile materials production, safeguards, export controls, etc. Lastly the paper looks into the dynamics of the post-1998 and post nuclear-deal phase when India is supposed to be attempting to integrate with the regime and its principles. How is India attempting to do this? What are the key challenges and obstacles towards this objective? What are the means for greater Indian integration with the regime? My idea is to actually bring out the new diplomacy that India has, how the global politics is viewing India’s new status after the Indo-US nuclear treaty, and lastly to bring out the changing dynamics in the nuclear diplomacy. India has to play a critical role in tackling these challenges. India has to play the role of a responsible player in minimising proliferation dangers by actively engaging in the non-proliferation regime.

India s emergence as a confident and responsible nuclear nation has required careful crafting of its nuclear policies. After Pokhran II and the Chagai Hills tests, the South Asian security architecture and, with it, the whole matrix of nuclear diplomacy had undergone a paradigmatic shift. India s nuclear diplomacy too acquired a new prominence after these events. It was important for India to improve its bilateral relations with major powers for strategic reasons. At the same time, it needed to address the challenge of its burgeoning energy needs at home. "India s Nuclear Diplomacy After Pokhran II" presents an analytical, perspective-based and narrative exposition of the facts and issues involved in international nuclear gamesmanship, taking every care to maintain objectivity and balance. Flowing from years of intensive research and reflection, this book breaks new ground by focusing on India s nuclear diplomacy with the major global and regional powers, and the rationale of its stand vis-a-vis the NPT and CTBT. To reach out to the general reader, in addition to scholars of the subject, this book unravels the intricacies and technicalities of the post-Pokhran II diplomacy in lucid and comprehensible phraseology."

This book provides a holistic examination of India's relationship with the non-proliferation regime and its dominant structures.

Leading international security scholars and policy advisors from universities, think-tanks, and nuclear weapons laboratories in the United States analyze the future of nuclear weapons proliferation. In April 1995, the earlier 1970 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was renewed indefinitely and without change to the original clauses of the treaty. The authors examine the continuing relevance or irrelevance of the old treaty, the role of coercive sanctions in enforcing restraint, and the impact of biological, chemical and missile proliferation on the nuclear motives and ambitions of various states. Attention is given to proliferation conditions in the former Soviet republics, East and South Asia and the Middle East.

Mario Carranza studies in depth the linkages between Indo-Pakistani nuclear relations and the International Nuclear Order. He critically analyzes the de facto recognition by the United States of India and Pakistan as nuclear weapon states and looks at the impact of that recognition on the International Nuclear Order and its linchpin, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The book provides a critical analysis of the New International Nuclear Order sponsored by the United States after the September 11 terrorist attacks and the place of India and Pakistan in that order. The author considers the survival of India and Pakistan in relation to a strategy of nuclear deterrence and debates the possibility of establishing a robust nuclear arms control regime in South Asia as part of a broader effort to revive global nuclear arms control and disarmament negotiations.

In the initial phase of the Obama administration, India’s ruling class and strategic community formed a perception that the spirit of strategic partnership between the two countries might be diluted on account of China looming large in the priorities of this administration. Despite occasional hiccups in their relationship, this perception was overshadowed by the administration’s recognition of India’s role as counterweight to China in the Asia-Pacific region. This book addresses and re-evaluates the perceptions, policies and perspectives of public policy makers and bureaucratic elites in both India and the US in setting and articulating the tone, tenor and substance of the multi-faceted ties between the two countries. The scope of the book is not exclusively limited to the bilateral relationship in the critical areas such as the Indo-US nuclear deal, defence, security and strategic partnership. Its concerns and ramifications are much wider in global and regional contexts, covering/involving security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region, the interface between terrorism and weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), China as a factor in India-US relations, and the fallout of the New Delhi-Washington partnership on South Asia.

The United States–India nuclear cooperation agreement to resume civilian nuclear technology trade with India—a non-signatory of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and a defacto nuclear weapon state—is regarded as an impetuous shift in the US nuclear nonproliferation policy. The 2008 nuclear agreement aroused sharp reactions and unleashed a storm of controversies regarding the reversal of the US nonproliferation policy and its implications for the NPT regime. This book attempts to overcome the significant empirical and theoretical deficits in understanding the rationale for the change in the US nuclear nonproliferation policy toward India. This nuclear deal has been largely related to the US foreign policy objectives, especially establishing India as a regional counter-balance to China. The author examines the US–India nuclear cooperation agreement in a bilateral context, with regard to the nuclear regime. In past discourse India has been mainly viewed as a challenger to the nuclear regime, but this reflects the paucity in understanding India’s approach to the issue of nuclear weapons. The author relates the nuclear estrangement to the disjuncture between the US and India’s respective approach to nuclear weapons, evident during the negotiations that led to the framing of the NPT. The change in the US approach towards India, the nuclear outlier, has been exclusively linked to the Bush administration, which faced considerable criticism for sidelining the nonproliferation policy. This book instead traces the shifting of nuclear goalposts to the Clinton administration following the Pokhran II nuclear tests conducted by India. Contrary to the widespread perception that the decision to offer the nuclear technology to India was an impromptu decision by the Bush administration, the author contends that it was the result of a diligent process of bilateral dialogue and interaction. This book provides a detailed overview of the rationale and the developments that led to the agreement. Employing the regime theory, the author argues that the US–India nuclear agreement was neither an overturn of the US nuclear nonproliferation policy nor an unravelling of the NPT-centric regime. Rather, it was a strategic move to accommodate India, the anomaly within the regime.

The Present Book Is An In-Depth Systematized Study Of Diversified Efforts Of States, Statesmen And Diplomats To Prevent A Nuclear War. It Records The International Concern For Achievement Of Disarmament And Prevention Of Proliferation Of Nuclear Weapons As A Common Objective Of All States. The Cold-War Rivalries, The Collective Security System Of United Nations, The Moves For Disarmament Of States Involving Nuclear Weapons, The Politics Of Maintaining The Hegemony Of Five Superpowers, Need For Petrol Leading To Oil Diplomacy Of The West And Several Other Factors Associated With Problems Of New States Have Evolved Into Identifiable Nuclear Diplomacy Since 1960S. Keeping States Away From Nuclear Weapons For Achievement Of National Ambitions Is Seen As Basic Subject Matter Of Nuclear Diplomacy. The Book Examines The Efforts Of States To Prevent Proliferation Of Nuclear Weapon Technology In General And To Such States In Particular That Might Seek To Use It For Achieving National Ambitions.Apart From The Five Superpowers, Pakistan, North Korea, Iran, India, And Iraq Have Been Under International Scrutiny. In The Book, Case Studies Of These States Have Also Been Undertaken, Since Every State That Seeks Nuclear Weapons Has Some Enemies Or Evil Designs. It Has Been Felt Necessary To Adopt A Sociological Approach, That Is, Briefly Going Into The Background Histories Of Nuclear Weapon Sensitive States. The Superpower States Are Above The Law Of The Un Charter And Have A Combined Rigid Stance On The Subject Of Transfer Of Nuclear Technology. Other States Seeking Nuclear Technology For Energy Production, For Economic And Civil Purposes Are Left To Original Research Or Acquisition By Clandestine Methods. This Aspect Has Also Been Examined In The Book, Keeping In View The Interests Of India.The Book Would Be Highly Useful To A Wide Cross Section Of The Reading Public, Including Scholars And Academics, Government Executives, International Institutions And Planners And Policymakers. Especially, The Students And Teachers Of International Relations Will Find It Extensively Informative.

Chris Smith explores the evolution of Indian defence policy since 1947. He looks carefully at the domestic dynamics of Indian defence policy. This includes an in-depth analysis of the period 1947-62, which is often ignored by Indian defence analysts, and the performance of the defence industrial base. He concludes that India's defence policy is designed more as one aspect of the quest for great power status than as an attempt to aquire security at an affordable price.