This book provides a holistic examination of India's relationship with the non-proliferation regime and its dominant structures.

This paper describes the evolution of the Non-Proliferation Regime through its major phases and the dynamics of the transformation which marked these phases, through a contextualisation of the security or geo-strategic environment of each phase. This paper has also made a conceptual study of the regime and the philosophical framework that shape the creation of the regime and its major shifts and makes an assessment of the concept of the non-proliferation regime through the Regime Theory framework and attempts to explain the paradigm that shaped the regime’s initial principles and goes on to explain the evolution in terms of the paradigmatic shifts. The attempt is to analyse the Indian approach to the regime through its response to the major structures and norms formulated by the regime during its evolution. It explains India’s policy on the regime’s fundamental tools on three key areas: non-proliferation, disarmament and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The analysis being done through these categories will look at India’s policy on or approaches towards key instruments like the NPT, nuclear test ban, ending fissile materials production, safeguards, export controls, etc. Lastly the paper looks into the dynamics of the post-1998 and post nuclear-deal phase when India is supposed to be attempting to integrate with the regime and its principles. How is India attempting to do this? What are the key challenges and obstacles towards this objective? What are the means for greater Indian integration with the regime? My idea is to actually bring out the new diplomacy that India has, how the global politics is viewing India’s new status after the Indo-US nuclear treaty, and lastly to bring out the changing dynamics in the nuclear diplomacy. India has to play a critical role in tackling these challenges. India has to play the role of a responsible player in minimising proliferation dangers by actively engaging in the non-proliferation regime.

The relationship of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty with India has been an interesting subject in the field of security studies. The nuclearisation of India and its subsequent rise are further forcing the world to redefine its relationship with the treaty. However, the international response is quite mixed. The old mindset still thinks that India may join the treaty as a Non-Nuclear Weapon State. Scholars appear divided whether India should join the treaty as a nuclear weapon country. The book discusses current crises of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty which are going to figure in the 2010 Review Conference of the treaty. This book was published as a special issue of The Strategic Analysis.

Leading international security scholars and policy advisors from universities, think-tanks, and nuclear weapons laboratories in the United States analyze the future of nuclear weapons proliferation. In April 1995, the earlier 1970 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was renewed indefinitely and without change to the original clauses of the treaty. The authors examine the continuing relevance or irrelevance of the old treaty, the role of coercive sanctions in enforcing restraint, and the impact of biological, chemical and missile proliferation on the nuclear motives and ambitions of various states. Attention is given to proliferation conditions in the former Soviet republics, East and South Asia and the Middle East.

The United States–India nuclear cooperation agreement to resume civilian nuclear technology trade with India—a non-signatory of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and a defacto nuclear weapon state—is regarded as an impetuous shift in the US nuclear nonproliferation policy. The 2008 nuclear agreement aroused sharp reactions and unleashed a storm of controversies regarding the reversal of the US nonproliferation policy and its implications for the NPT regime. This book attempts to overcome the significant empirical and theoretical deficits in understanding the rationale for the change in the US nuclear nonproliferation policy toward India. This nuclear deal has been largely related to the US foreign policy objectives, especially establishing India as a regional counter-balance to China. The author examines the US–India nuclear cooperation agreement in a bilateral context, with regard to the nuclear regime. In past discourse India has been mainly viewed as a challenger to the nuclear regime, but this reflects the paucity in understanding India’s approach to the issue of nuclear weapons. The author relates the nuclear estrangement to the disjuncture between the US and India’s respective approach to nuclear weapons, evident during the negotiations that led to the framing of the NPT. The change in the US approach towards India, the nuclear outlier, has been exclusively linked to the Bush administration, which faced considerable criticism for sidelining the nonproliferation policy. This book instead traces the shifting of nuclear goalposts to the Clinton administration following the Pokhran II nuclear tests conducted by India. Contrary to the widespread perception that the decision to offer the nuclear technology to India was an impromptu decision by the Bush administration, the author contends that it was the result of a diligent process of bilateral dialogue and interaction. This book provides a detailed overview of the rationale and the developments that led to the agreement. Employing the regime theory, the author argues that the US–India nuclear agreement was neither an overturn of the US nuclear nonproliferation policy nor an unravelling of the NPT-centric regime. Rather, it was a strategic move to accommodate India, the anomaly within the regime.

Last year, the war in Syria became a melee––the US, Russia, NATO, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, Lebanon and some others struggled to bring peace to the region. But each stakeholder hankered after a different end state––President Bashar al-Assad’s continuance in power became a contentious issue. In due course of time Syria and the Islamic State in Syria (ISIS) jumped the order of priorities for the US forces in the area. In importance, they have left behind the drawdown in Afghanistan, which has been back-burnered provisionally. As it appears, garnering the support of the countries of the region like India, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, etc. to counter the rise of China, will continue to be high on the US agenda. Likewise, lifting of sanctions against Iran, following its rapprochement with the West will influence the world in many ways. The fallout of the testing of the hydrogen bomb by North Korea, the South China Sea imbroglio and Indo-Pak relations in the wake of the Pathankot terror strike too will cast their shadows on the geo-politics of the region in 2016. Evading war and conflict in the prevailing environment is an effort; economic interests and geo-political compulsions make the choice of alignment difficult for peace-loving nations of the world. They are faced with the dilemma of evading armed conflicts. It requires a conscious and sustained effort to do so. In order to work towards such goals, it is necessary to look at the geo-political, security and military-related issues objectively. The Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS) has been publishing the Asian Defence Review to fulfill this need. This volume, a resource base for both the professional and general readers, is the ninth in the series under this title. It aims to add to the pool of information and knowledge in the current strategic discourse dealing with military strategy, defence, politics and trends in military capabilities that impact Asia. In particular, it covers some of the important issues related to India’s security environment, the Indian Air Force, cyber warfare, nuclear security, warfare technologies, export control regimes, Russia, China and Pakistan.

This edited volume examines the issue of the proliferation of dual-use technology and the efforts of the international community to control these technologies. Efforts to stop the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) increasingly focus on preventing the proliferation and misuse of dual-use technologies: information, materials and equipment that can be easily applied for peaceful and hostile purposes. The threat of terrorist attacks with nuclear, biological or chemical weapons, in particular, makes it necessary to develop a sustainable non-proliferation policy that effectively hinders the misuse of dual-use technologies. In this book, leading non-proliferation experts from different regions of the world reflect on the political, legal and technical obstacles with an aim to finding a better balance between control and cooperation in dual-use technology transfer regulations. This broad approach makes it possible to compare regimes which may be structurally different but are similar in the way they attempt to regulate dual-use technology transfers by balancing controls and cooperative approaches. This book will be of much interest to students of weapons proliferation, arms control, global governance, international organizations and international security.

A Brookings Institution Press and Centre for International Governance Innovation publication The global order is shifting. Even though no major war has intervened to reshape the architecture of the international order, the global financial crisis has accentuated the emergence of an enlarged global leadership. It is clear that change is afoot. The United States may be hanging on as the world's leading power, as the European Union remains an independent force in global politics, but a host of rising states—including China, India, and Brazil—clamor to be heard and take on bigger roles in world forums. Rising States, Rising Institutions features a panel of distinguished scholars who examine the forces at work: Gregory Chin (York University), Daniel W. Drezner(Tufts University), Thomas Hale (Princeton University), Andrew Hurrell (Oxford University), G. John Ikenberry (Princeton University), John Kirton (University of Toronto), Flynt Leverett (New America Foundation), Steven E. Miller (Harvard University), Andrew Moravcsik (Princeton University), Amrita Narlikar (Cambridge University), and Anne-Marie Slaughter (U.S. State Department). Together they analyze different models of international cooperation, the states that have most actively challenged the existing order, and leading and emergent international institutions such as the G-20, the nascent regime for sovereign wealth funds, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and the entities organized to foster cooperation in the war on terror.

The 1995 conference on the review and extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty may well mark an important turning point. The treaty itself, but also the wider international regime built around it are at stake. The Future of the International Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime deals with various aspects of the problems of nuclear proliferation and the international struggle against it. Authors from Europe, the United States and Australia have contributed to this book, which was produced under the auspices of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations `Clingendael'. The reader is first offered regional case studies on North Korea, South Asia, the Middle East and the former Soviet Union, followed by chapters on nuclear safeguards and export controls systems and contributions on a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and security guarantees. The two concluding chapters evaluate and propose policies to strengthen the non-proliferation regime beyond 1995. It will be of interest to policy-makers, students of international relations and journalists.