This is a historical narrative and analysis of the unconstitutional changes of government in most West African countries where military rule became institutionalised more than in any other part of the continent from the sixties to the nineties. There is no specific reason why the region has suffered from usurpation of power by soldiers more than any other part of the continent, besides the desire by soldiers to rule, recently demonstrated by coups in Mali in 2020 and 2021, Guinea in 2021, and Burkina Faso in 2022. Governments in West Africa are no more unstable or weaker than their counterparts in other parts of the continent. Overthrowing governments became a continental phenomenon when military rulers went on to legitimise their their seizure of power through rigged elections by turning themselves into civilian rulers. They “civilianised” themselves, not only to claim that they were no longer military rulers but were democratically elected leaders; a manipulation of power that triggered counter-coups by their opponents to end their rule, resulting in many deaths in many countries where this violent change took place. Military rule in Africa started soon after independence in the sixties. The most ambitious goals in the postcolonial era were consolidation of the state and nation building with varying degrees of success in different parts of the continent. Military rulers proved to be no better than their civilian counterparts they had replaced. In most cases, they were even worse and used coercive power of the state to perpetuate themselves in office just as their civilian counterparts did. The result was consolidation of the state as an instrument of oppression, the most oppressive apparatus being the executive branch itself, invested with all the powers, which evolved into the imperial presidency, a phenomenon that persists in some African countries legitimised through rigged elections enabling leaders to remain in office under the guise of democracy “in the name of the people.”

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This work looks at conflicts between the Hutu and the Tutsi in Rwanda and Burundi. The conflicts between the two groups have sometimes been characterised as ethnic, although neither group has fundamental attributes of ethnicity or ethnic identity which separate one from the other. They have the same culture. They speak the same language. And they have had a common history during the past 400 years. They have intermingled and have intermarried for so long since the Tutsi arrived in the region about 400 years ago that whatever differences existed between them in the past in terms of culture, identity, and biology have been erased. Yet they do exist as distinct social groups. They maintain separate group identities, as Hutus and as Tutsis, mainly because of the asymmetrical relationship between them. Inequity of power has solidified those identities. Historically, the Tutsi minority have been the rulers. Their status as the dominant group was enhanced during colonial rule when the Belgians favoured and recognised them as the traditional rulers, superior to the Hutu, thus legitimising inequalities between the two groups. The differences between them were even given official sanction. And the subordinate status of the Hutu majority was used by the Belgians to justify discrimination against them in terms of employment and educational opportunities while favouring the Tutsi. The conflict between the two groups is rooted in inequity of power, fuelled by stereotypes against the Hutu majority. Domination of the Hutu majority by the Tutsi minority, which started before the advent of colonial rule, has also solidified ethnic identities of the two groups through the years. A shared consciousness among the members of each group and their distinctiveness - each seeing themselves as different from the other - have also played a major role in the evolution and consolidation of these separate identities.