This book offers a chronicle of, and a revealing look at, the 2011 Egyptian Revolution and its aftermath. The author, an Egyptian-American journalist living in Egypt, detailed the news coverage and man-in-the-street impressions of Mubarak's fall and Mohamed Morsi's struggle to stay in power. At home in the U.S. as well as in Egypt, he uses his experience as a journalist to explain for Americans the confrontation between Islamists and seculars.

The 1919 Egyptian revolution was the founding event for modern Egypt's nation state. So far there has been no text that looks at the causes, consequences and legacies of the 1919 Egyptian Revolution. This book addresses that gap, with Egyptian and non-Egyptian scholars discussing a range of topics that link back to that crucial event in Egyptian history. Across nine chapters, the book analyzes the causes and course of the 1919 revolution; its impacts on subsequent political beliefs, practices and institutions; and its continuing legacy as a means of regime legitimation. The chapters reveal that the 1919 Egyptian Revolution divided the British while uniting Egyptians. However, the “revolutionary moment” was superseded by efforts to restore Britain's influence in league with a reassertion of monarchical authority. Those efforts enjoyed tactical, but not long-term strategic success, in part because the 1919 revolution had unleashed nationalist forces that could never again be completely contained. The book covers key issues surrounding the 1919 Egyptian Revolution such as the role played by Lord Allenby; internal schisms within the British government struggling to cope with the revolution; Muslim-Christian relations; and divisions among the Egyptians.

Women were at the forefront of the Egyptian Revolution in 2011, with the Arab Spring protests providing an unprecedented opportunity to make their voices heard. But these women also faced an intense backlash from Egypt's patriarchal authorities, with female activists subjected to sexual violence and intimidation by the regime and even fellow protestors. Centered on the testimonies of four women who each played a significant role in the protests, this book provides unique insight into women's experiences during the Egyptian Revolution, and into the methods of resistance these women developed in response to sexual violence. In the process, Hamzeh casts new light on the relationship between gendered and state violence, and argues that women's resistance to this violence is reshaping gender relations in Egypt and the wider Arab world.

In his latest exploration of the Egyptian malaise, Galal Amin first looks at the events of the months preceding the Revolution of 25 January 2011, pointing out the most important factors behind popular discontent. He then follows the ups and downs (mainly the downs) of the Revolution: the causes of rising hopes and expectations, mingled with successive disappointments, sometimes verging on despair, not least in the case of the presidential elections, when the Egyptian people were invited to choose between a rock and a hard place. This is followed by an outline of a possible brighter future for Egypt, based on a more balanced and faster growing economy, and a more democratic and equitable society, within a truly independent, modern, and secular state. The story of what happened to the 2011 Revolution may be a sad one, but if viewed within the larger context of Egypt's economic and social developments of the last century, on which the author's previous books threw very useful light, it can be regarded as one important step forward toward a much better future.

Reprint of the original, first published in 1863.

While the 2011 Egyptian revolution has already become the subject of much debate, the roots of the socio-economic context which made the revolution possible have seldom been explored. Roberto Roccu addresses this gap and in doing this provides the first detailed study of the deeper causes of the Egyptian revolution. Relying on an innovative understanding of Antonio Gramsci's thought, He argues that economic reforms implemented since the late 1980s provided the conditions for both the emergence of a capitalist oligarchy within the regime and an unprecedented rise in socio-economic inequality in society at large. These two processes substantially eroded any remnants of hegemony, leaving the Mubarak regime ill-equipped to face the global economic crisis. By alienating sections of the ruling bloc while impoverishing vast strata of the population, neoliberal reforms provided a necessary, although by no means sufficient, condition for the Egyptian revolution to occur.

With the fall of the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt the term ‘Facebook Revolution’ was coined depicting the world’s most popular social media platform as a condition sine qua non for the Arab revolutions. Moving on from the extreme positions of cyber-utopians and pessimists, this study identifies and analyses mechanisms of use and potential intermediary effects of social media in connection with other driving factors of mass demonstrations that led to the fall of the Mubarak regime in early 2011. Semi-structured focus interviews were carried out with social media activists in Cairo between November 20th and 24th, 2011. The qualitative content analysis of eight interviews allowed for the identification of relevant categories and sub-categories as well as possible connections between them. Additionally, a thorough analysis of the Egyptian socio-economic, political and media system in the years leading up to the revolution provides the basis for valuable and contextual conclusions. Among the key findings is the accelerating effect of social media in mobilizing the Egyptian population to take part in mass demonstrations. Whereas the organizational function is limited to online network effects rather than facilitating the coordination of protesters on the ground, a significant impact of social media on the perception of a collective identity and threshold levels relevant for individual protest behavior was identified through this research. Moreover, the findings implicate a mutual dependency between new social media and traditional mass media.