This work explains why the two U.N. development programs for Africa in the 1980s and 1990s, UNPAAERD and UNNADAF, failed. It argues that institutional weaknesses of the U.N. and constraints imposed by the world economic order contributed to the failure of these programs.

Of the 54African states, only South Africa is categorised by the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) amongst industrialised countries. The economic activities in Africa are still dominated by the production and trade of agricultural and mineral commodities. This situation is in spite of the longstanding Africa--European Union (EU) co-operation, which intends, among other things, to support Africa’s industrialisation endeavours. Imperatively, a long road to substantive levels of industrialisation still lies ahead of most African countries. This raises the question as to what role the international community could and should play in the twenty-first century to provide the support needed to expedite Africa’s industrial transformation. This book argues that to supplement the initiatives of each African country, international partnerships, of both a ‘North–South’ and ‘South–South’ nature, will serve better purposes if they are leveraged to develop productive capacities in African economies. In order to enable the African countries to leverage their traditional partnership with the EU for industrialisation, a paradigm shift is obligatory. A feasible model should emulate the Japanese-led ‘flying geese’ model and the Chinese-led ‘bamboo capitalism’ model.

The Historical Dictionary of International Organizations in Africa and the Middle East focuses on international organizations in Africa. And the Middle East. This makes sense for political, cultural, and geographical reasons. North African countries, and many located in the Sahel region, are members of not only African but also Middle Eastern international organizations due to their cultural and religious heritage as well as geographic location between Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. A limited number of global organizations are also included in this book when they have major programs focusing on Africa and/or the Middle East. This volume emphasizes intergovernmental organizations but many non-governmental organizations are also included. This is done through a chronology, an introductory essay, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 700 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, thematic topics, and major international issues affecting the region. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about this subject.

There hardly seems to be a global issue in the world today in which the United Nations (UN) is not expected to play a key role. And indeed, despite a persistent gulf between high expectations and the UN's capacities, the organization continues to be a unique and indispensable actor in areas such as peace maintenance, human rights protection, and development. Thoroughly revised and updated, the second edition of this highly acclaimed text provides a concise analysis of the UN, its structure and work, achievements and shortcomings, and its likely role and prospects in the twenty-first century. The new edition covers the latest institutional and structural developments – including the creation of the Peacebuilding Commission and the establishment of a permanent Human Rights Council – and reflects recent debates on UN reform.

Though there have been numerous studies on the United Nations, only a few have dealt comprehensively with Africa's relations with the world body. This book attempts to fill this lacuna by providing a systematic assessment of Africa's relationship with the World body, from its foundation in 1945 to its sixtieth anniversary in 2005. The premise of the book's argument is that to properly understand Africa's current relationship with the UN, it is necessary to first understand the history and theoretical underpinnings behind the formation of the world body, including the expectations and motives of the different stakeholders. The book shows that there have been some real successes in Africa's relationship with the world body - such as the joint efforts against the Apartheid regime in South Africa - as well as real failures - such as in the genocide in Rwanda. Based on this, it concludes that Africa's relationship with the United Nations has worked for the most part, and will work even better, if Africa sees its partnership with the UN as complementary to it own efforts, projects and initiatives rather than something to depend on.

Since Independence in 1960, Madagascar has faced several periods of instability and crisis, as well as the threat of civil war. These periods were cyclical: each time the country made some significant economic and social progress, an unexpected crisis would occur to bring it to a halt. The book focuses on the crisis of March 2009, showing how a brewing conflict between the government of Marc Ravalomanana and the opposition led by Andry Rajoelina escalated and using it as a case for the study of further crises in Madagascar or other African countries. The book adopts a conflict approach to the study of crisis. Instead of focusing on external symptoms (street protests, violence, looting, massacre of protesters, military mutiny, etc.), or condemning it as a “coup d’état,” it analyzes the crisis of March 2009 as part of an ongoing conflict between the government and the opposition. It uncovers the causal mechanisms of the crisis as well as the process of crisis management and de-escalation, examining such factors as the context of the crisis, the major actors, the triggers, and the management of the crisis by national and international mediators. In addition, the book explains how a civil war was averted and who benefited as a result of this political crisis.

"A highly readable, sweeping, and yet detailed analysis of the African state in all its failures and moments of hope. Crawford Young manages to touch upon all the important issues in the discipline and crucial developments in the recent history of the African continent. This book will be a classic."---Pierre Englebert, author of Africa Unity, Sovereignty, and Sorrow --

Do existing measures of state fragility measure fragility accurately? Based on commonly used fragility measures, South Africa (SA) is classified as a relatively stable state, yet rising violent crime, high unemployment, endemic poverty, eroding public trust, identity group based preferential treatment policies, and the rapid rise of the private security sector are all indications that SA may be suffering from latent state fragility. Based on a comprehensive view of security, this study examines the extent to which measures of political legitimacy and good governance, effectiveness in the security system – especially with respect to the police system – and mounting economic challenges may be undermining the stability of SA in ways undetected by commonly used measures of state fragility. Using a mixed-methods approach based on quantitative secondary data analysis and semi-structured interviews with government officials, security practitioners, and leading experts in the field, this study finds that the combination of colonization, apartheid, liberation struggle, transition from autocracy to democracy, high levels of direct and structural violence, stagnating social, political, and economic developments make South Africa a latently fragile state. Conceptually, the results of this research call into question the validity of commonly used measures of state fragility and suggest the need for a more comprehensive approach to assessing state fragility. Practically, this study offers a number of concrete policy recommendations for how South Africa may address mounting levels of latent state fragility.