The study discusses the industrial sector in the GCC sector and identifies the challenges facing diversification strategies in the GCC economies. The financial sector is undergoing extensive restructuring and reform worldwide, which is reflected in the GCC financial sector too. Many countries have established industrial and development finance institutions (IDFIs), which provide credit and financial support to the industrial sector. Project and capital financing is the major activity of all IDFIs in the region, for the primary purpose of achieving a number of developmental objectives. Lending is the most important source of financing, with restrictive conditions attached to the use of local production factors. The future roles of IDFIs will be affected by macroeconomic changes in the GCC region, especially the anticipated decline in public sector resources, changes in the financial sector and the industrial development strategies of countries. The IDFIs will not only be faced with threats to privatization and more difficult access to subsidized public funds, but they may also experience greater competition in their markets from a number of sources. The IDFIs will have to adapt to new realities and identify their markets, services, customers and appropriate lending policies.

The UAE sits astride an uncomfortble dilemma in terms of national development and international profile. It seeks to be a regional and global power, both economically and politically, and to achieve this it needs to diversify and become less reliant on a workforce that is made up predominantly of expatriates, many of whom are employed because they have a level of education unavailable among the general citizenry. Alongside a rapid growth in public services and private commerce, education is a stated national priority, with the Ministry of Education setting out in its vision that education should achieve “enduring development for the community.” The UAE higher education sector is growing at an astonishing rate. However, the apparent dilemma results from the call for a rapid growth in educational provision, alongside the desire to produce a functioning and accessible education system in a relatively short time-frame. The UAE is a ‘consumer’ of educational practice, a nation that has a history of buying in the educational models and expertise it requires, as opposed to the lengthier, but possibly better suited, process of building an indigenous education system from the ground up. Developing a truly indigenous and new system to fit the needs of neophyte states – although laborious, expensive and problematic – does allow a nation to mold specifically the needs of the country with the educational systems developed. However, the UAE, through the model of ‘borrowing’ systems and expertise, was able to ‘kick-start’ the development of education in the country, greatly decreasing the time needed to establish formal educational structures. Such a situation may open up questions as to the suitability and efficacy of a predominantly imported educational provision for the indigenous population. The UAE, as a relatively new and emerging economy, has the funds and support of the national leadership to actively pursue and seek educational systems and practices that will advance development and competitiveness. To exam how globalized structures influence education in the UAE and beyond, there needs to be an understanding and awareness of the context in which the education sector functions today. As global economic forces and the labor needs of societies change, then accountability, control and governance of education becomes a contested area of public policy. However, what can be seen is that education is gaining in prominence in the public policy arena, with governments and politicians realizing that in order to be globally competitive, education must produce a skilled and efficient national workforce, placing education firmly in the realm of human capital theory and policy.

The GCC states and Turkey have recently experienced economic growth and played influential regional roles. In tandem, their relationships grew significantly, and Turkey was considered, for a while, as a “strategic partner”. Common challenges have made them consider an alliance to balance other powers and threats. However, many emerging issues have turned them into rivals for regional influence on divergent agendas during the last decade. All in all, their relations are dynamic and rapidly changing. Some regional crises were subjects of political agreement and coordination in their early stages, such as the cases in Libya, Syria and Yemen. However, this agreement has diminished and sometimes turned into conflict. Iran’s policies have also led to its change from being a factor of agreement to a factor of difference. On the other hand, some tensions, which were major causes of escalation, were resolved or eased, such as the Gulf crisis and the contest over Egypt. These relations affected the whole region, as well as the great powers involved there. Therefore, this book studies the commonalities between the GCC states and Turkey and analyzes their differences. All parties expressed their desire to restore cooperation despite continuing competition on some regional issues. The book proposes some ideas that can be considered to make convergence possible again.

The Gulf Cooperation Council represents both a model of development and unity in the Arab world and a working example of interstate cooperation to other nations. In this volume, contributors describe the rationale for Gulf unity and cooperation and analyze the financial, economic, and legal institutions of the GCC member states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Bahrain, and Qatar). They focus on the GCC's role in maintaining stability in the Arabian peninsula, an area that is clearly vital to U.S. interests. Contributors pinpoint the essential elements of GCC unity, including its efforts to obtain optimum economic self-sufficiency, to maximize market share and revenue from oil production, and to establish an integrated legal framework. The GCC's unique security needs, given the member states' vast combined area and thinly spread populations, are also discussed. An overview of the strategic interests and policies of both superpowers toward the region reveals a history of decline in their influence and prestige that is a result, it is argued, of misperceptions and misguided policies. Finally, documentation and bibliographic sections enhance the book's usefulness as a handbook on the GCC and the Arabian Gulf states.

This is an accessible new introduction to organizations of key importance to the global south in the post-war period. It clearly assesses their achievements, performance and responses to global change.

UK ties with Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf monarchies are under the spotlight as never before. Huge controversy surrounds Britain’s alliances with these deeply repressive regimes, and the UK’s key supporting role in the disastrous Saudi-led intervention in Yemen has lent added urgency to the debate. What lies behind the British government’s decision to place politics before principles in the Gulf? Why have Anglo-Arabian relations grown even closer in recent years, despite ongoing, egregious human rights violations? In this ground-breaking analysis, David Wearing argues that the Gulf Arab monarchies constitute the UK’s most important and lucrative alliances in the global south. They are central both to the British government’s ambitions to retain its status in the world system, and to its post-Brexit economic strategy. Exploring the complex and intertwined structures of UK-Gulf relations in trade and investment, arms sales and military cooperation, and energy, Wearing shines a light on the shocking lengths to which the British state has gone in order to support these regimes. As these issues continue to make the headlines, this book lifts the lid on ‘AngloArabia’ and what’s at stake for both sides.

This study examines the sources, characteristics and implications of post-Khomeini Iran's foreign policy. It concentrates on two geographic 'zones of interest': one composed of the countries which surround Iran; the other comprised of Islamic governments and movements beyond Iran's borders. It argues that fears, not just ambitions, have yielded a policy increasingly co-operative (especially in the economic sphere) yet in some respects still confrontational.

An update on Saudi Arabia’s Financial System Stability Assessment (FSAP) is presented. Saudi Arabia has confronted the global financial crisis from a position of strength, and took decisive steps to manage the impact of the crisis. As a result, the financial system has weathered the crisis relatively well. The authorities have made progress implementing the recommendations of the 2004 FSAP. Many improvements have been made to bank and securities supervision. The banking sector as a whole is well capitalized and appears to be able to withstand severe temporary shocks.