The Security Dilemmas of Southeast Asia utilises a key security concept to examine one of the most dramatic regions of the world. Focusing on ethnic tensions, intra-ASEAN rivalries and the emergence of Chinese hegemony, the security dilemma is used to provide insights into a wide range of the region's contemporary security issues. In addition, the book expounds upon some of the new uses of the security dilemma, exploring both its applicability to ethnic tensions and a new variant, a state-induced security dilemma.

This book examines the development of Timor-Leste’s foreign policy since achieving political independence in 2002. It considers the influence of Timor-Leste’s historical experiences with foreign intervention on how the small, new state has pursued security. The book argues that efforts to secure the Timorese state have been motivated by a desire to reduce foreign intervention and dependence upon other actors within the international community. Timor-Leste’s desire for ‘real’ independence — characterized by the absence of foreign interference — permeates all spheres of its international political, cultural and economic relations and foreign policy discourse. Securing the state entails projecting a legitimate identity in the international community to protect and guarantee political recognition of sovereign status, an imperative that gives rise to Timor-Leste’s aspirational foreign policy. The book examines Timor-Leste’s key bilateral and multilateral diplomatic relations, its engagement with the global normative order, and its place within the changing Asia-Pacific region.

Ethnic Violence and the Societal Security Dilemma explores how the phenomenon of ethnic violence can be understood as a form of security dilemma by shifting the focus of the concept away from its traditional concern with state sovereignty to that of identity instead. The book includes case studies on: * ethnic violence between Serbs and Croats in the Krajina region of Croatia, August 1990 * ethnic violence between Hungarian and Romanians in the Transylvania region of Romania, March 1990.

The nuclear test explosions in India and Pakistan in 1998, followed by the outbreak of hostilities over Kashmir in 1999, marked a frightening new turn in the ancient, bitter enmity between the two nations. Although the tension was eclipsed by the events of 9/11 and the subsequent American attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq, it has not disappeared, as evidenced by the 2001 attack in the Indian Parliament by Islamic fundamentalists out of Kashmir. By 2002, these two nuclear-armed neighbors seemed to be once again on the brink of war. This book outlines the strategic structure of the rivalry and the dynamic forces driving it, and investigates various possible solutions. The expert contributors focus on the India-Pakistan rivalry, but also consider the China factor in South Asia's nuclear security dilemma. Although essentially political-strategic in its approach, the book includes coverage of opposing military arsenals and the impact of local terrorism on the delicate balance of power.

The past two decades since the end of the Cold War have been years of remarkable change and transformation for Southeast Asia. Long seen as an arena for superpower rivalry, Southeast Asia is increasingly coming into its own by locating itself at the forefront of regional integration initiatives that involve not only the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, but major external powers such as the United States, China, India, Japan, and Australia as well. At the same time, the past two decades has seen the revival of old animosities as well as the emergence of new security challenges confronting the region. Old animosities include unresolved territorial disputes, while new challenges range from regional and global financial crises, terrorism, and pandemics. Significant changes within the ten Southeast Asian countries covered in this book have also transpired that have affected not only the complexion of domestic politics, but have also impacted regional diplomacy as well, such as the creation of potentially the eleventh "Southeast Asian" country – Timor Leste. Extensively updated and revised in light of these changes and developments, this fourth edition of Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia contains profiles of each Southeast Asian country. Following this, it provides more than 450 alphabetically arranged individual entries providing detailed accounts and analyses on major episodes and treaties, political parties and institutions, civil society movements, and regional and international organizations. Biographies of significant political leaders and personalities, both past and present, are also provided. Entries are comprehensively cross-referenced, and an index by country directs readers to all entries concerning a particular country. The Dictionary also includes an extensive bibliography that serves as a guide to further reading. It is an essential reference tool for all scholars and students of Asian politics and international affairs, and a vital resource for journalists, diplomats, policy-makers, and others with an interest in the region.

China, Japan and Regional Leadership in East Asia is a compilation which provides a necessary and welcome update to the Asian regionalism debates of the last decade, bringing together notable experts in Asian area studies and comparative foreign policy to provide many new insights. . . essential reading both for practitioners of Asian studies and those concerned with the role of comparative regionalism in modern international relations. Marc Lanteigne, East Asia An International Quarterly . . . this book is strongly recommended reading for everyone interested in Japan China relations, leadership, and East Asia. It proves that looking at complex issues from a variety of angles does bring a much deeper understanding. I thoroughly enjoyed it! Marie Söderberg, Journal of Japanese Studies This book addresses one of the most intriguing but also under-researched issues of the future of the Asian strategic landscape: who will lead the region and replace US leadership, Japan and China, and what kind of leadership do we have to expect? The authors come to the conclusion that it is a matrix or combination of leadership options rather than a single leadership type, depending on issue domains, governance structure and geospatial scales. . . The conclusions by Christopher Dent admirably draw the theoretical and empirical issues together. Reinhard Drifte, Pacific Affairs This book considers themes, evidence and ideas relating to the prospects for regional leadership in East Asia, with particular reference to China and Japan assuming regional leader actor roles. Key issues discussed by the list of distinguished contributors include: the extent to which there is an East Asian region to lead China Japan relations different aspects of Japan and China s positions in the East Asia region how the seemingly inexorable rise of China is being addressed within the region how China and Japan have explored paths of regional leadership through certain regional and multilateral organisations and frameworks the position of certain intermediary powers (i.e. the United States and Korea) with regards to regional leadership diplomacy in East Asia. Invaluably, the concluding chapter brings together the main findings of the book and presents new analytical approaches for studying the nature of, and prospects for leadership in East Asia. China, Japan and Regional Leadership in East Asia will be essential reading for upper level undergraduate and postgraduate students and researchers of international relations, regional studies, international political economy and economics as well as Asian and development studies.

Summary: "Malaysia's former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad is often seen as the sole author of the country's foreign policy. Malaysian Foreign Policy in the Mahathir Era shows that while Mahathir's personality, leadership style, political ideology and brand of nationalism unquestionably had a deep impact, so too did domestic issues and external forces associated with globalization. The book examines seven major foreign policy initiatives of the Mahathir period: Buy British Last, Anti-Commonwealth, Look East, Third World Spokesmanship, Regional Engagement, Islamic Posturing and Commercial and Developmental Diplomacy. In discussing these topics, the author explains the significance for foreign policy of communal concerns, the regime's need to maintain its own authority in the face of political and social initiatives (some rooted in Islam), and its desire to achieve national development. He also discusses external pressures, including Japan's regional designs, Singapore's defense posture and the growing importance of China for the region. The approach breaks away from the elitist decision making styles and single factor models usually employed to explain the foreign policy of developing nations, and establishes a direct link between domestic politics and foreign policy during the period studied, suggesting that the latter was truly an extension of the former."--Publisher description.

ASEAN has declared its intention to create a security community in Southeast Asia that is people-orientated. This book evaluates ASEAN's progress, and in doing so examines three matters of concern. The book firstly looks at the importance of constitutive norms to the workings of security communities, by identifying ASEAN's constitutive norms and the extent to which they act as a help of hindrance in establishing a security community. It then moves on to how ASEAN has interpreted people-orientated as empowering civil society organisations to be community stakeholders. The book discusses the uncertainty between how ASEAN envisages their role, and the role they themselves expect to have. Civil society actors are seeking to influence what sort of community evolves and their ability to interact with the state elite is evaluated to determine what interpretation of people-oriented is likely to emerge. Thirdly, in order to make progress ASEAN has sought to achieve cooperation among its member states in functional areas. The book examines this interest in functional cooperation through case studies on human rights, HIV/AIDS and disaster management. By discussing the notion of ASEAN being people-orientated, and how it engages with 'the people', the book provides important insights into what type of community ASEAN in building, as well as furthering our understanding on security communities more broadly.

Although much ink has been used debating China's rise and its implications for Asia and beyond, few have considered how its neighbors have been living with a rising China. This book fills that vacuum.