"Der Band behandelt das geographische Syrien im 18. und 19. Jh. Dieser Zeitraum war von tiefgreifenden wirtschaftlichen Veranderungen gepragt, insbesondere der allmahlichen Integration des Osmanischen Reiches in den Weltmarkt. Die hier vorgestellten neuen Fragen und Forschungsrichtungen, die zu einem differenzierteren Bild der osmanischen Herrschaft beitragen, beziehen wesentliche Impulse aus sozial- und wirtschaftsgeschichtlichen Ansatzen. ... Je ein Index fur Personen- und Ortsnamen sowie Begriffe runden den Band ab. Man kann nur hoffen, daa diese Art der sozial- und wirtschaftshistorischen Nahostforschung, die sich bislang weitgehend im anglo-amerikanischen und arabischen Raum entwickelt hat, auch in Deutschland weitere Verbreitung finden wird." Orientalistische Literaturzeitung "athe book is a major contribution to the study of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Syria. The authors, the editors, and the publisher are to be commended for producing this important publication." Journal of Near Eastern Studies . (Franz Steiner 1998)

Syria Land Ownership and Agriculture Laws Handbook

A historical study of the 1925 revolt against French rule in Syria, and how it established a new popular nationalism that helped shape the Middle East. The Great Syrian Revolt of 1925 was the first mass movement against colonial rule in the Middle East. Mobilizing peasants, workers, and army veterans, it was also the region’s largest and longest-lasting anti-colonial insurgency during the inter-war period. Though the revolt failed to liberate Syria from French occupation, it provided a model of popular nationalism and resistance that remains potent in the Middle East today. Each subsequent Arab uprising against foreign rule has repeated the language and tactics of the Great Syrian Revolt. In this work, Michael Provence uses newly released secret colonial intelligence sources, neglected memoirs, and popular memory to tell the story of the revolt from the perspective of its participants. He shows how Ottoman-subsidized military education created a generation of leaders who rebelled against both the French Mandate rulers of Syria and the Syrian elite who helped the colonial regime. This new popular nationalism was unprecedented in the Arab world. Provence shows compellingly that the Great Syrian Revolt was a formative event in shaping the modern Middle East.

The on-going crisis in Syria has not only affected those caught within the country's borders, but with the deluge of refugees fleeing the violence, it has also had an impact on the surrounding countries. Lebanon, together with the province of Hatay in Turkey (containing Antakya) and the Golan Heights were all originally part of French Mandate Syria, but are now all outside the boundaries of the modern Syrian state. The policies and reactions of Syria both to the loss of these territories and to the states that have either emerged from, absorbed or annexed them (Lebanon, Turkey and Israel) are the focus of Emma Lundgren Jorum's book. Beyond Syria's Borders highlights the differences between actual policy on the one hand and rhetoric and discourse on the other when it comes to each of these three cases. It does so in order to understand the nature of not only territorial dispute in the region, but also the processes of state-building and nationalism more generally.Covering the formation of the Syrian Arab Republic from the fall of the Ottoman Empire through to the twenty-y rst century, Lundgren Jorum examines the ways in which Syrian views of these lost territories have changed over time. Through the examination of Syria's foreign policies towards these lost territories, Lundgren Jorum sets out and analyses Syrian-Turkish, Syrian-Lebanese and Syrian-Israeli relations. In doing so, she advances particular conceptions of nationalism to explain why Syria views certain lost territories as more valuable than others and why some losses have been pushed to one side and others remain at the forefront in Syria's international relations and diplomacy efforts, despite, and sometimes because of, the current con ict. Lundgren Jorum's examination of Syria's responses to the loss of territory is thus vital for any reader attempting to understand the workings of Syrian foreign policy, impacting everything from Syria's role in the Middle East to the wider Arab-Israeli con ict. This makes it vital for those researching both the history of border conflicts in the region as well as the current crisis.

An interpretative history of the emergence and consolidation of the modern state in Jordan, this book examines the resilience of the Hashemite monarchy and the economic sources of social power under Ottoman, British, and post-colonial Hashemite rule.

It would be sad to think that US greatness depends on constant intervention and war in the name of the global order. And now after some eight years of civil conflict, the situation in Syria is basically reverting to the pre-conflict norm. The Syrian government is now close to re-establishing its sovereign control again over the entire country. Indeed, Syria’s sovereign control over its own country had been nearly completed despite the blocking efforts of many external efforts from the US, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. United States supported the creation of an Islamic State in Iraq and Syria ISIS or Al-Dawlat Al-Islamia Fi al-Iraq wa Ash-Sham (DAESH) by putting together flight to tens of thousands of Al-Qaeda Jihadists (fighters) from all over the world to topple President Bashar Assad who said “no” to a Qatar pipeline through Syria and to destroy Hezbollah, topple Al-Assad, install a puppet regime and extend the comfort to Zionist Occupiers of Palestine. Syria has survived and reconquered most of the country, it was able to secure an armed-alliance with strategic allies who succeeded in neutralizing domestic insurgents. Due to the steadfastness of the Syrian Arab Army, Syria’s secular constitution which has enabled a united front against jihad and imperialism and due to military assistance from Russia and Iran, Syria has not fallen and nor will it. Syria managed to stay one country, united country, united society, because a civil war will not go on for seven or eight years continuously without dividing the country. The Syrian government succeeded to survive in controlling the majority of Syria with all the Syrian diversities or with different spectrums of the Syrian society. What took place in Syria from the very beginning are mercenaries, Syrians, and foreigners being paid by the West and its allies in the region in order to topple the government. This is the reality, the mere reality, the very stark reality. Everything else is just masks to cover the real intentions. Nowadays, Syria is the only Arab state that defies western expansionism in the Middle East and Syria was and still is a pillar of support for Arab resistance in Iraq, Lebanon and Palestine. Dr. Effarah expects that this book is essential for anyone seeking a deeper understanding for the cause of the current social turmoil and political violence ravaging the Arab-Islamic world, mainly the Syrian Arab Republic.

The reality of the Arab-Israeli balance now consists of two subordinate balances: Israel versus Syria and Israel versus the Palestinians. The book analyzes these two balances in detail and their impact on defense planning in each country and on the overall strategic risk to the region as a whole. It covers military developments in each of six states-Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine-and provides an analytical view with charts and tables of how the changing natures of the military and political threats faced by each is impacting its military force readiness and development. The book has the most comprehensive data on past, current, and future military force structure currently available, drawn from the widest range of sources. Responding to the most recent of events in the region, this book is the first to deal with the effects on the Arab-Israeli military balance of the strategic uncertainty created by the Iraqi insurgency and the Iranian nuclear program. It also studies how the Gaza pullout, the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon, the changing political landscape in Israel, and the threat of nuclear proliferation are having impacts on the Egyptian-Israeli and Jordanian-Israeli peace accords and the prospects for a settlement between the Palestinians and Israelis. The roles of Hezbollah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad are analyzed in light of the changing political landscape in both Israel and Palestine. Given the role of Syria in the Palestinian-Israeli affairs, the book also explores the ways that internal instability in Lebanon could escalate into a regional conflict.

Drawing on Hanafi legal texts from Ottoman Syria between the 17th and early 19th centuries, this book examines how jurists balanced the rights and obligations of tenants and landlords on state and waqf lands, contributing in the process to the dynamism of the law and the adaptability and longevity of the Ottoman land system.

Why did Syrian political life continue to be dominated by a particular urban elite even after the dramatic changes following the end of four hundred years of Ottoman rule and the imposition of French control? Philip Khoury's comprehensive work discusses this and other questions in the framework of two related conflicts--one between France and the Syrian nationalists, and the other between liberal and radical nationalism. Originally published in 1987. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.