The book calls for rethinking U.S. policy toward promoting Afghanistan as a regional economic hub in Southwest and Central Asia as it fits within the broader national security interest of the regional states. It argues for defining Afghanistan within the U.S. national security interests in Southwest and Central Asia, including Iran, and offers critical strategic tools for Washington to support political openness and reforms that can balance China and Russia, as well as more effectively manage Iran’s regional behavior. It links the U.S. policy approach in Southwest and Central Asia as the “missing leg” of Washington’s East Asia policy. The book defines the strategic interests of each of Afghanistan’s neighboring states and key regional actors to explain why a rethinking of the U.S. role in Afghanistan can assist the emergence of a new regional order in Southwest and Central Asia, which in turn can embolden a free market economy and a growing political openness superior to authoritarianism and Islamist militancy.

The global economy got off to a bumpy start this year, but growth in 2015 and 2016 looks to be broadly on track. Projections for developing countries in 2014 have been down downgraded by 0.5 percentage points to 4.8 percent mainly reflecting weak first quarter growth in the US due to weather and the conflict in Ukraine. Going forward growth is projected to firm to 5.3 and 5.5 percent in 2015 and 2016 supported by easy global financial conditions and rebounding exports as high-income countries continue to recover under the influence of a reduced drag from fiscal consolidation and improving labor markets. Financial conditions will eventually tighten, and when they do there is risk of further volatility. Most developing countries are in good fiscal and financial shape, but where vulnerabilities remain countries need to tighten policy to reduce the potential impact of external shocks. Overall, growth for developing countries will be solid but not strong enough to generate the income and employment gains needed to eliminate poverty by 2013. As a result, countries need to focus on structural reform in order to lift growth in and enduring and sustainable manner.

Instability in Afghanistan has had a considerable effect on regional security in Central Asia, particularly in the aftermath of the events of 9/11, and this has meant that the importance of NATO and its contribution to security in this area has increased considerably. A detailed analysis of this topic is precisely important because it could highlight the areas where the Central Asian countries could increase their security contributions to Afghanistan’s security through enhancing their cooperation with NATO. This book presents the fully revised and updated versions of papers presented at the NATO Advanced Research Workshop (ARW), 'NATO, the Fight against International Terrorism in Afghanistan and Security Situation in Central Asia since 9/11', held in Ankara, Turkey, in April 2011. This ARW was supported by the NATO Science for Peace and Security Programme. The book takes a comprehensive approach to the regional security complex in Central Asia by emphasizing the human security, socio-political and energy dimensions in addition to the traditional military dimension of the fight against international terrorism in and around Afghanistan. The findings of the book enhance our understanding of the root causes of international terrorism and the effective ways of coping with the security challenges in this region. The book is divided into five parts: First, NATO’s Contribution to Lasting Security in Afghanistan; Second, Responses of the Central Asian States to Political Instability, Organized Crime and International Terrorism in Afghanistan; Third, Energy Security in and around Central Asia; Fourth, International Competition and Co-operation over Afghanistan and Central Asia; and Last but not least, Regional Security Organizations and the Fight against International Terrorism in Afghanistan.

The Afghanistan report was published by USAK in cooperation with the Istanbul Policy Center at Sabancı University, and sponsored by NATO’s Public Diplomacy Division.

After more than a decade of fighting in Afghanistan, the United States and its allies are set to transfer security responsibilities to Afghan forces in 2014. This transition poses many challenges, and much will depend on the future of Afghan politics, governance, corruption, development, security, and economics. How the United States manages the transition is vital for any hopes of creating a secure Afghanistan, as well as preventing the reemergence of the Taliban and other terrorist groups. The Afghan War in 2013 honestly assesses the benefits, costs, and risks involved in transition. It is essential reading for an in-depth understanding of the complex forces and intricacies of the United States’ role in Afghanistan and the difficulties involved in creating a stable Afghanistan in 2014 and beyond. Afghanistan is still at war and will probably be at war long after 2014. At the same time, the coming cuts in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and cuts in military and civil aid, along with the country’s fractious politics and insecurity, will interact with a wide range of additional factors that threaten to derail the transition. These factors, examined in this three-volume study, highlight the need to make the internal political, governmental, economic, and security dimensions of the transition as effective as possible. This will require a new degree of realism about what the Afghans can and cannot accomplish, about the best approaches to shaping the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF), and the need for better planned and managed outside aid.

The Middle East is undergoing a period of profound change, partly brought about by the United States’ interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, but also by the Arab Spring. This is affecting regional relations between states and between the region and the US. For example, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE have supported rebel groups in Syria against the government, which was supported by Iran. Political Islam is a threat to both monarchies in the Gulf and secular states. Non-state actors, such as Islamic State (IS) and the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) are assuming an increasingly important role in shaping the region. Further, states such as Qatar and Turkey have undertaken their own quests to shift the existing regional balance of power in their favor through soft power deployment or new or broader international alliances. Lastly, the close strategic US-Saudi relationship, primarily based on oil and arms, is being eroded by a new economic reality and divergent foreign policy interests. This shifting alliances and new regional order is the focus of the book, which examines the factors that significantly impact the foreign relations between the countries of the Middle East. Through multiple case studies, the essays identify the emerging trends and influences that are now dominating the political decision making and policy behavior of many key states. The contributors, both scholars and practitioners, investigate the main foreign policy challenges and debates in the various states, the changing relations and balance of power between them, and the continuing role of the United States in the Middle East. Each chapter provides an overview of the last decade or so, before delving into the current challenges and opportunities (often in light of the US as a power with the ability to significantly impinge on state policies, and what these issues mean for the regional order. This primer on state politics and the transformative capacity of the Middle East will appeal to anyone studying the region. Contributions by: Gawdat Bahgat, Martin Beck, Kamran Bokhari, Morgane Colleau, Bryan Gibson, Christian Henderson, René Rieger, Farid Senzai, and Sebastian Sons