Witnessing Stalin's Justice brings together contemporary American reactions to the Moscow show trials and analyses them to understand their impact on US-Soviet relations. Held between 1936 and 1938, the show trials made false charges such as espionage, sabotage and counter-revolutionary plotting at the behest of the exiled Leon Trotsky to condemn the veteran Party leaders who had founded the Communist Party and led the Russian Revolution. Using eyewitness accounts by American diplomats and foreign correspondents for the American press as well as official US government sources, this book highlights the wildly different reactions seen from liberals, radicals, intellectuals and mainstream media. Evans and Welch show how fractures of opinion ran through every level of US society and divided political groups, especially between the American Communist party and other left-wing organisations. Covering the closed trials of the Soviet military, the Soviet anti-foreigner campaign and the Dewey Commission as well as the show trials themselves, Witnessing Stalin's Justice uncovers and brings together American reactions to the Soviet Union's Great Purge.

From the 'show' trials of the 1920s and 1930s to the London Conference, this book examines the Soviet role in the Nuremberg IMT trial through the prism of the ideas and practices of earlier Soviet legal history, detailing the evolution of Stalin's ideas about the trail of Nazi war criminals. Stalin believed that an international trial for Nazi war criminals was the best way to show the world the sacrifices his country had made to defeat Hitler, and he, together with his legal mouthpiece Andrei Vyshinsky, maintained tight control over Soviet representatives during talks leading up to the creation of the Nuremberg IMT trial in 1945, and the trial itself. But Soviet prosecutors at Nuremberg were unable to deal comfortably with the complexities of an open, western-style legal proceeding, which undercut their effectiveness throughout the trial. However, they were able to present a significant body of evidence that underscored the brutal nature of Hitler's racial war in Russia from 1941-45, a theme which became central to Stalin's efforts to redefine international criminal law after the war. Stalin's Soviet Justice provides a nuanced analysis of the Soviet justice system at a crucial turning point in European history and it will be vital reading for scholars and advanced students of the legal history of the Soviet Union, the history of war crimes and the aftermath of the Second World War.

The first comprehensive account of Stalin's struggle to make criminal law in the USSR a reliable instrument of rule offers new perspectives on collectivization, the Great Terror, the politics of abortion, and the disciplining of the labor force.

First book about key Soviet spy and Canadian communist. Fred Rose was deeply involved in atomic espionage.

USSR. Analysis of the nature and course of soviet law and administration of justice since 1953 - covers prerogative and normative spheres of civil laws, criminal law, housing and labour law, civil rights, marital status, penal sanction practice, etc. References.

Witness through the Imagination presents a critical reading of themes and stylistic strategies of major American Holocaust fiction to determine its capacity to render the prelude, progress, and aftermath of the Holocaust. Criticism of Holocaust literature is an emerging field of inquiry, and as might be expected, the most innovative work has been concentrated on the vanguard of European and Israeli Holocaust literature. Now that American fiction has amassed an impressive and provocative Holocaust canon, the time is propitious for its evaluation. Witness Through the Imagination presents a critical reading of themes and stylistic strategies of major American Holocaust fiction to determine its capacity to render the prelude, progress, and aftermath of the Holocaust. The unifying critical approach is the textual explication of themes and literary method, occasional comparative references to international Holocaust literature, and a discussion of extra-literary Holocaust sources that have influenced the creative writers' treatment of the Holocaust universe.

Lenin’s swastika is exposed for the first time herein. The impact of Vladimir Lenin’s swastikas was reinforced at that time with additional swastikas on ruble money (paper currency). The swastika became a symbol of socialism under Lenin. It’s influence upon Adolf Hitler is explained in this book. Lenin predated Hitler, but Lenin’s raison d'être was that other German, Karl Marx. Hitler and Marx are always trending on the internet (and that is not the case for Lenin). Ideas from the Deutschland duo are adored and repeated often on social media and by the mainstream media (MSM). Marx was glorified in the 2018 video “Chinese President Xi Jinping delivers speech on anniversary of Marx’s birth.” In the embarrassing homage, Xi openly drooled over the western male racist socialist. It is reminiscent of Lenin’s reverence for Marx. A larger-than-life portrait of Marx hangs next to the outdated hammer and sickle symbol that China parroted from Lenin’s Soviet socialism. How humiliating. China is led around by its nose tied to the same old German who influenced Hitler. Of course, China has the largest population (billions) who self-identify the same as Hitler: SOCIALIST (that is also the same way that Marx and Lenin self-identified). Is there any other country of that size that openly worships a foreigner as their great white savior? The books of Marx and Hitler were once considered too dangerous for the general public. But Mein Kampf was a bestseller as recently as 2017. Its popularity grows worldwide. It has always been one of Amazon’s better-selling book titles. America’s love affair with German philosophy stretches back to the mid-1800s, and farther. Many Americans struggle to bring Germany’s past into the present at every election. MSM polling reports that 70 percent of millennials say they would vote for a candidate who self-identifies the same as Hitler (2019 YouGov poll). Two politicians in the USA (Alexanderia Ocasio Cortez -AOC- & Bernie Sanders -BS) boastfully self-identify the same as Hitler: SOCIALIST. They also admire Lenin and Marx. Other politicians gladly adopt and repeat the same ideas even if they are too dishonest to admit that they are socialist. According to another report, 60 percent of Millennials (age 24-39) support a “complete change of our economic system.” Lenin, Marx, and Hitler were anti-bourgeois and advocated revolution. Many Americans long for the same revolutions. The ideas of the beloved Deutschland duo (Marx and Hitler) continue to grow in popularity. Germany’s two top white male racist political philosophers stay in vogue even though their policies remain a mystery. For example, the following facts (with credit to the archives of the historian Dr. Rex Curry) will come as news to most readers: 1. Hitler and Marx were popular in the USA. Two famous American socialists (the cousins Edward Bellamy and Francis Bellamy) were heavily influenced by Marx. The American socialists returned the favor: Francis Bellamy created the “Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag” that produced Nazi salutes and Nazi behavior. The Bellamys were American national socialists. For more on that advance to chapter 6 on “Bellamy salutes.” 2. The classic military salute (to the brow) also contributed to the creation of the Nazi salute (with the right-arm extended stiffly). 3. The Bellamy cousins promoted socialist schools that imposed segregation by law and taught racism as official policy. 4. Hitler and his supporters self-identified as “socialists” by the very word in voluminous speeches and writings. The term "Socialist" appears throughout Mein Kampf as a self-description by Hitler. 5. Hitler never called himself a "Nazi." There was no “Nazi Germany.” There was no “Nazi Party.” Those terms are slang to hide how Hitler and his comrades self-identified: SOCIALIST. 6. Hitler never called himself a “Fascist.” That term is misused to hide how Hitler and his comrades self-identified: SOCIALIST. 7. The term “Nazi” isn’t in "Mein Kampf" nor in "Triumph of the Will." 8. The term “Fascist” never appears in Mein Kampf as a self-description by Hitler. 9. The term “swastika” never appears in the original Mein Kampf. 10. There is no evidence that Hitler ever used the word “swastika.” 11. The symbol that Hitler did use was intended to represent “S”-letter shapes for “socialist.” NEW DISCOVERY: That is why Hitler changed the name of his party. It was imperative that the party’s name include the word “socialist” so that it would coordinate with Hitler’s party emblem. 12. Hitler altered his own signature to reflect his “S-shapes for socialism” logo branding. 13. Mussolini was a long-time socialist leader, with a socialist background, raised by socialists to be a socialist, and he joined socialists known as “fascio, fasci, and fascisti.” 14. Fascism came from a socialist (e.g. Mussolini). Communism came from a socialist (e.g. Marx). Fascism and Communism came from socialists. 15. German socialists and Soviet socialists partnered for International Socialism in 1939. They launched WWII, invading Poland together, and continued onward from there, killing millions. Soviet socialism had signed on for Hitler’s Holocaust. 16. After Hitler’s death, Stalin continued the plan he had made with Hitler for Global Socialism. Stalin took over the same areas that Hitler had captured. He used the same facilities that Hitler had used. Hitler’s Holocaust never ended. Stalin replaced Hitler. Hitler, Stalin, Mao, Mussolini, and other tyrants were influenced by propaganda in the USA, including the childish American socialists Francis Bellamy and Edward Bellamy. Both Bellamy cousins wanted government to take over all schools, to teach socialism to all youngsters worldwide.

Addressing the relationship between law and the visual, this book examines the importance of photography in Central, East, and Southeast European show trials. The dispensation of justice during communist rule in Albania, East Germany, and Poland was reliant on legal propaganda, making the visual a fundamental part of the legitimacy of the law. Analysing photographs of trials, this book examines how this message was conveyed to audiences watching and participating in the spectacle of show trials. The book traces how this use of the visual was exported from the Soviet Union and imposed upon its satellite states in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. It shows how the legal actors and political authorities embraced new photographic technologies to advance their legal propaganda and legal photography. Drawing on contemporary theoretical work in the area, the book then challenges straightforward accounts of the relationship between law and the visual, critically engaging entrenched legal historical narratives, in relation to three different protagonists, to offer the possibility of reclaiming and rewriting past accounts. As its analysis demonstrates, the power of images can also be subversive; and, as such, the cases it addresses contribute to the discourse on visual epistemology and open onto contemporary questions about law and its inherent performativity. This original and insightful engagement with the relationship between law and the visual will appeal to legal and cultural theorists, as well as those with more specific interests in Stalinism, and in Central, East, and Southeast European history.