In light of increased integration between the EU and countries seen by Russia as its own backyard, the Kremlin has resorted to every instrument in its hard power toolbox to reassert its influence and defend its 'legitimate interests' in the post-Soviet space. [...] The power of international attraction in general is based on political values, and the Kremlin tries to offer an alternative narrative to the West. [...] It funds projects for the promotion of the Russian language and recurrent commemorations of crucial episodes in Russian history, drawing upon the rhetoric of fraternity and nostalgia for the 'glorious past', especially the Soviet empire. [...] Second, while soft power in the West is mainly generated by a pluralistic civil society, culture and the 'way of life' in general, in Russia the Kremlin is the main soft power actor, reinforcing the impression that Russia's soft power is largely Soviet-style propaganda in support of Moscow's foreign policy goals. [...] In sum, Russia's willingness to use hard power to impose its goals, and the lack of a positive vision to attract non-Russian populations in neighbouring countries mean that its soft power is unlikely to endure in the long-term.

The dynamics of transatlantic relations in the twenty-first century have been shaped by an American preference for the exercise of its considerable 'hard power' capabilities while Europeans have preferred to draw upon the considerable 'soft power' resources that have grown from their enviable internal processes of integration. These diverging power preferences have differential impacts on the management of Atlantic security, economic, and social and cultural relations. The contributors, long-time observers and analysts of the Atlantic partnership, debate how problematic security relations are likely to continue to be, discuss how successfully economic affairs will be managed, and examine the continuing frictions in domestic politics of social and cultural matters that should be manageable if both European and American leaders work actively and responsibly to encourage policy convergence.

Central Asia often evokes images of imperial power rivalry dating back to the 19th century. Yet as the region’s international politics becomes more complex in the age of globalization, the need for new ways of looking at its many actors is more pressing than ever. Today even the traditional great powers rely increasingly on subtle forms of influence to augment their military might and economic clout in order to achieve their objectives in Central Asia. Bearing this in mind, Soft Power in Central Asia examines the patterns of attraction and persuasion that help shape the political choices of countries in the region. Starting with an investigation of soft power projection by the US, Russia and China, it sheds light on normative transfer and public diplomacy of the European Union, Turkey and Israel, and concludes with a discussion of the Central Asian republics’ active stance in the competition for the hearts and minds. Containing original chapters contributed by leading experts in the field, the volume will appeal to scholars and professionals with interest in international relations, political science and Central Asian studies.

When considering the damage caused by the hard power of military intervention, soft power comes across as an appealing alternative. Soft power depends on diplomatically appealing to others to gain favor and influence rather than using coercive force, offering a more peaceful means of engaging in international relations. However, whether soft power is as effective as hard power and how it can be achieved is a source of debate. Through the diverse perspectives in this volume, readers will gain an understanding of the differing perspectives on soft power's efficacy as a political strategy and the ways it can be implemented.

During the Cold War, Soviet influence and Leninist ideology were inseparable. But the collapse of both systems threw Russian influence into limbo. In this book, James Sherr draws on his in-depth study of the country over many years to explain and analyse the factors that have brought Russian influence back into play. Today, Tsarist, Soviet and contemporary approaches combine in creative and discordant ways. The result is a policy based on a mixture of strategy, improvisation and habit. The novelty of this policy and its apparent successes pose possible dangers for Russia's neighbours, the West and Russia itself.

This book analyses whether European leaders are able to deal with the ‘hard power’ problems of military provocation, mass migration, and terrorism. Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea was just one example of recent revisionist policies by the state. In 2015, Europe experienced a massive influx of illegal immigrants and refugees whilst also suffering many terrorist attacks in recent years. Common to these policy challenges is the need for using hard power (military, police) in order to confront, stop, stabilize and hinder undesirable outcomes. European politicians are mostly used to wielding incentives-based policy and are unfamiliar with strategic thinking. How well do the British, French, and German governments deal with this triad of hard power problems? What about NATO and the EU? This book examines the responses to determine whether European politicians can still act strategically.

Public diplomacy is widely used in the contemporary world, and this book is devoted to its use and study in Russia. It explores how, even though scientific diplomacy and people's diplomacy were used in the USSR, the ideas of public diplomacy were not in demand in Russia in the 1990s. However, following the United States, which turned to the policy after the tragic events of 9/11, Russia also began to develop its own. The author explores how the need for public diplomacy is reflected in the official documents of the Russian Federation and discusses the important step of building new institutions for this purpose in Russia. She analyzes how the development of the practice has led to its study, with Russian scholars focusing mainly on the tools and approaches of implementing public diplomacy by various states. The book discusses the relationship between public diplomacy and soft power and compares Russian approaches with those available in worldwide practice and theory. This book is intended primarily for students and researchers of international affairs specializing in Russian foreign policy and/or soft power issues. It will also be of interest to practitioners in public diplomacy, such as ministers of foreign affairs, NGOs, and the media.

This book aims to explain the reasons behind Russia's international conduct in the post-Soviet era, examining Russian foreign policy discourse with a particular focus on the major foreign policy schools of Atlanticism, Eurasianism, derzhavniki, realpolitik, geopolitics, neo-Marxism, radical nationalism, and post-positivism. The Russian post-Soviet threat perceptions and national security doctrines are studied. The author critically assesses the evolution of Russian foreign policy decision-making over the last 25 years and analyzes the roles of various governmental agencies, interest groups and subnational actors. Concluding that a foreign policy consensus is gradually emerging in contemporary Russia, Sergunin argues that the Russian foreign policy discourse aims not only at the formulation of an international strategy but also at the search for a new national identity.Alexander Sergunin argues that Russia's current domestic situation, defined by numerous socio-economic, inter-ethnic, demographic, environmental, and other problems, dictates the need to abandon superpower ambitions and to rather set modest foreign policy goals.

This second edition of Military Strategy, Joint Operations, and Airpower introduces contemporary strategy at the operational level of war. Developed as foundational reading for all US Air Force Academy cadets, this textbook is designed to close the gap between military theory and practice.

Soft power is the use of attraction and persuasion rather than the use of coercion or force in foreign policy. This title features a chapter outlining views on soft, hard and smart power and offers a critique of the Bush administration's inadequacies. It gives the various insights in to both soft power and the concept of power itself