"In February 2012, in its first public position on the unfolding armed conflict in Syria, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) published a series of testimonies gathered from Syrian doctors working in the country. The testimonies described the challenges and horrors facing doctors trying to treat wounded patients and protesters injured by Syrian authorities (MSF 2012). In its report, MSF denounced the use of "medicine as a weapon of persecution" in Syria and called on the government to "re-establish the neutrality of healthcare facilities" (Ibid.) In a press release published a year later, MSF further decried that aid was not being distributed "equally" between government- and opposition-controlled areas and argued that "areas under government control receive nearly all international aid, while opposition-held zones receive only a tiny share." (MSF 2013) In an opinion piece, two MSF staff members criticized humanitarian actors working with the authorization of the Syrian government and called on those aid agencies to recognise "the de-facto partitioning of the state" (Weissman and Rodrigue 2013). Such calls from humanitarian actors, which on other occasions claimed neutrality, played into the polarization of the Syrian conflict. The Syrian government actively controlled aid delivery and distribution from Damascus, with the support of Russia and Iran. Aid from Damascus was distributed by the United Nations, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent society, and a handful of other organizations working in government-controlled areas. Meanwhile, aid was delivered across the borders from neighboring countries by opposition groups, civil society activists, and Western humanitarian actors"--

The Syrian war has been an example of the abuse and insufficient delivery of humanitarian assistance. According to international practice, humanitarian aid should be channelled through a state government that bears a particular responsibility for its population. Yet in Syria, the bulk of relief went through Damascus while the regime caused the vast majority of civilian deaths. Should the UN have severed its cooperation with the government and neglected its humanitarian duty to help all people in need? Decision-makers face these tough policy dilemmas, and often the “neutrality trap” snaps shut. This book discusses the political and moral considerations of how to respond to a brutal and complex crisis while adhering to international law and practice. The author, a scholar and senior diplomat involved in the UN peace talks in Geneva, draws from first-hand diplomatic, practitioner and UN sources. He sheds light on the UN's credibility crisis and the wider implications for the development of international humanitarian and human rights law. This includes covering the key questions asked by Western diplomats, NGOs and international organizations, such as: Why did the UN not confront the Syrian government more boldly? Was it not only legally correct but also morally justifiable to deliver humanitarian aid to regime areas where rockets were launched and warplanes started? Why was it so difficult to render cross-border aid possible where it was badly needed? The meticulous account of current international practice is both insightful and disturbing. It tackles the painful lessons learnt and provides recommendations for future challenges where politics fails and humanitarians fill the moral void.

International aid to Syria is at an inflection point. Operationalizing humanitarian principles and securing ceasefires would allow the aid community to close gaps in coverage and move toward making communities more resilient, helping stabilize the region. Failing to do so will exacerbate the deprivation and oppression that started the war, prolonging instability far into the future. This CSIS report delves into the challenges to aid provision throughout Syria and recommends a way to overcome them. It is based on interviews with over 130 UN officials, aid workers, negotiators, diplomats, and analysts working on the aid response, as well as a review of databases, open-source documents, and internal reports and evaluations.

Since 2011, the conflict in Syria has been one of the most catastrophic conflicts of our time and a dark stain on the peacemaking abilities of the United Nations (UN). At the heart of this book is a simple but critical question – what do UN mediators tasked with the responsibility to make peace actually do? By explaining this, the book offers a detailed record of what Kofi Annan, Lakhdar Brahimi, and Staffan de Mistura did in their roles as UN mediators in Syria and presents a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics that shaped their decision-making. Beyond the cases of these three mediators, Fadi Nicholas Nassar introduces a method by which to forensically identify a mediator's fingerprints on the peacemaking process and charts a map to examine their decision-making processes. In doing so, it paves the way to evaluate the performance of these mediators – to hold them accountable for their successes and failures.

This book examines Syrian displacement since the start of the 2011 conflict. It considers how neighboring refugee-hosting states – namely Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon – have responded to Syrian refugees, as well as how the international humanitarian community has assisted and protected refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). Miller examines Syrian displacement as it relates to EU and US policies, and relates Syrian displacement to broader themes and debates on the international refugee regime and humanitarian intervention. The book argues that displacement is not a mere symptom or byproduct of the conflict in Syria, but a key variable that must be addressed with any peace plan or strategy for ending the conflict and rebuilding Syria. Responses to displacement should therefore not just be thought of in a humanitarian context, but also as a political, security and economic issue. Drawing on media reports, research briefs, scholarly books and articles, NGO reports and UN research to contextualize and critically analyze the blur of headlines and rhetoric on Syria, the book seeks to shed light on the political and humanitarian responses to displacement. It seeks to inform policymakers, practitioners and scholars about the current Syrian displacement situation, helping to make sense of the complex web of literature on Syrian refugees and IDPs.

A comprehensive consolidation of data for the world, this book gives a short precis of each nation, each nation’s history, its topography and a chronology of the development of geodetic surveying and coordinate systems for that specific nation. This book is a starting point of information for understanding the world’s datums and grids. Based on the details available for each nation, the reader is given an overall view that can answer questions regarding the sources of spatial information available, their limitations, and the critical things to be aware. The topographic maps compiled over the centuries represent the mixes of technology specifically to that nation. The book provides information and clues regarding existing maps and how those maps and coordinate systems were created. Features Provides concise history of the foundations of each country’s geodetic Datums Includes coordinates of every known geodetic Datum Origin in the world Explains transformation parameters from native Datums to WGS84 for many countries Offers Grid parameters for most of the native Grid Systems of the world Provides guidance on Grid System math models specific to individual countries This book is intended for readers that have a solid foundation in cartography and mapping sciences such as graduate students with an interest in these subjects, as well as land surveyors, geodesists, mineral exploration professionals, cartographers, GIS specialists, remote sensing professionals, military intelligence specialists, as well as archeologists, biblical scholars, cadastral researchers, diplomats of boundary treaties, and technical professionals travelling to every foreign country in the world that intends to use local paper maps.