Media Imperialism: Continuity and Change advances applied theoretical research on 21st century media imperialism. The volume includes established and emerging researchers in international communications who examine the geopolitical, economic, technological and cultural dimensions of 21st century media imperialism. The volume highlights and challenges how news, entertainment and social media uphold unequal power relations in the world. Written in an accessible style, this volume marries conceptual, theoretical sophistication, and concrete illustration with rich case studies and global examples. Chapters cover the complete media spectrum, from social media to Hollywood, to news and national propaganda in national and transnational analyses. Readers will find discussions that range from soft power and China to the USA’s empire of the internet to the rise of “Chindia” in a post-American media world. The volume is essential reading for upper level undergraduate, postgraduate and research communities across a wide range disciplines in the social science and the humanities.

Examining anew the notions of media imperialism and globalization of media, this book disrupts the generalised consensus in media scholarship that globalization of media has put an end to media imperialism. One elemental aspect of media imperialism is the structural dependency of television systems in the global South on the imperial North. Taking India and Pakistan as its case studies, this book views globalization of media as the unleashing of processes that have translated into the liberalization of air waves and privatization of television systems whereby commercialization of television is privileged over public interest television. Additionally, it argues that the globalization of media has contributed to corruption, tabloidization, and marginalization of subaltern classes in the Indian and Pakistani media.

An innovative new textbook which brings together a comprehensive collection of primary source material for all those studying the media at university and pre-university level.

In the networked twenty-first century, digital platforms have significantly influenced capital accumulation and digital culture. Platforms, such as social network sites (e.g. Facebook), search engines (e.g. Google), and smartphones (e.g. iPhone), are increasingly crucial because they function as major digital media intermediaries. Emerging companies in non-Western countries have created unique platforms, controlling their own national markets and competing with Western-based platform empires in the global markets. The reality though is that only a handful of Western countries, primarily the U.S., have dominated the global platform markets, resulting in capital accumulation in the hands of a few mega platform owners. This book contributes to the platform imperialism discourse by mapping out several core areas of platform imperialism, such as intellectual property, the global digital divide, and free labor, focusing on the role of the nation-state alongside transnational capital.

?There can be no political sovereignty without culture sovereignty.' So argued the CBC in 1985 in its evidence to the Caplan/Sauvageau Task Force on Broadcasting Policy. Richard Collins challenges this assumption. He argues in this study of nationalism and Canadian television policy that Canada's political sovereignty depends much less on Canadian content in television than has generally been accepted. His analysis focuses on television drama, at the centre of television policy in the 1980s. Collins questions the conventional image of Canada as a weak national entity undermined by its population's predilection for foreign television. Rather, he argues, Canada is held together, not by a shared repertoire of symbols, a national culture, but by other social forces, notably political institutions. Collins maintains that important advantages actually and potentially flow from Canada's wear national symbolic culture. Rethinking the relationships between television and society in Canada may yield a more successful broadcasting policy, more popular television programming, and a better understanding of the links between culture and the body politic. As the European Community moves closer to political unity, the Canadian case may become more relevant to Europe, which, Collins suggests, already fears the ?Canadianization? of its television. He maintains that a European multilingual society, without a shared culture or common European audio-visual sphere and with viewers watching foreign television, can survive successfully as a political entity ? just as Canada has.

In Failure of American and Soviet Cultural Imperialism in German Universities, 1945-1990 Natalia Tsvetkova describes the American and Soviet policies in German universities during the Cold War. In both parts of divided Germany the conservative professorate resisted both the American and Soviet policies of reforms in universities. Whether these policies can be considered cases of cultural imperialism will be discussed in this book. As well as how and why both American and Soviet policies of the transformation of German universities eventually failed.

This new edition provides a comprehensive overview of current theory and research written by the top theorists and researchers in each area. It has been updated to address the growing influence of technology, changing relationships, and several growing integrated approaches to communication and includes seven new chapters on: ■ Digital Media ■ Media Effects ■ Privacy ■ Dark Side ■ Applied Communication ■ Relational Communication ■ Instructional Communication ■ Communication and the Law The book continues to be essential reading for students and faculty who want a thorough overview of contemporary communication theory and research.

A welcome addition to Palgrave's Global Media Policy and Business series, Internet Governance and the Global South documents the role of the global south in Internet policymaking and challenges the globalization theories that declared the death of the state in global decision-making. Abu Bhuiyan argues that the global Internet politics is primarily a conflict between the states - the United States of America and the states of the global south - because the former controls Internet policymaking. The states of the global south have been both oppositional and acquiescing to the sponsored policies of the United States on Internet issues such as digital divide, multilingualism, intellectual property rights and cyber security. They do not oppose the neoliberal underpinnings of the policies promoted by the United States, but ask for an international framework to govern the Internet so that they can work as equal partners in setting norms for the global Internet.

This study presents an historical account of the expansion of United States interests in Latin American communications in the first half of this cntury. Particular emphasis is placed on how United States shortwave broadcasting was used as a vehicle for the penetration and dominance of Latin American mass communication systems. This penetration is analyzed in relation to the overall context of the goals and activities of the Good Neighbor Policy of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Conversely, with the development of shortwave broadcasting as a tool of foreign policy, there arose the need to restructure the traditional relations between the broadcasting industry and government. This study describes the process by which the American broadcasting industry came to accept government control and dominance in the field of international broadcasting. Finally, this study attempts to show how such an historical account as this can be used to eluciate the notion of media imperialism.