This study brings into focus the issue of reproduction and transformation of cultural authority in the so-called post-Soviet context. Being anchored to sociological theories on intellectual autonomy and empowerment through narrativization, it approaches daily practices, situations and popular narratives which bring insight into everyday concerns and motivations of the educated Western Ukrainians.

How do countries democratize? What route does the way out of totalitarianism take? Students of Russian politics have pursued answers to these questions by surveying Russians on a variety of attitudes, beliefs, norms, and practices. This bookattends to political discourse to demonstrate how it creates and constraints political opportunities. Itexaminesan important period of Russian political history: from Boris Yeltsin’s second presidential election in 1996, when democracy was pronounced victorious, through its gradual slide toward authoritarian practices during Vladimir Putin’s initial two terms in office, and to the election of his protégé Dmitry Medvedev in 2008. This analysis challenges the assertions ofRussian democracy as doomed by the governing rationalities of the elites. Likewise, it refutesthe notion of Russians as an apathetic nation in chronic need of a “strong hand.” It argues that if we are to understand how Russia lives, how it endures, and how it can change, we need to pay attention to the discourses that shape Russian political identities and the nation’s political future.

This book, examining the influence of international trade, considers some of the broader trends in the changing structure of Soviet society, before turning to two specific sources of potential internal strain, both with implications for foreign policy, nationalism and religion.

In the 30 years since the emergence of the post-Soviet conflicts things have both changed and remained the same – continuities and changes in post-Soviet conflicts are the primary themes of this volume – it addresses all major wars, civil wars, and rebellions in the former Soviet Union. The volume focuses on factors that have contributed or may contribute to the resolution of the post-Soviet conflicts, most of which have represented rather long and damaging crises. In all conflict cases Moscow has been guided by Russian state interests – some have been instigated or fueled, others driven to a frozen state, and still a couple of others have been constructively resolved due to Moscow’s intervention. Russia has used a long-term strategy for the resolution of those conflicts that have taken place on its soil, but in regards to the conflicts in other post-Soviet states, there is no long-term solution in sight. As such, the conflicts in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and Nagorniy Karabakh, remain unresolved involving not only the named states, but Russia as well. They may represent localized national or regional crisis impacting only the states involved, but for the Russian Federation they epitomize one huge post-Soviet crisis with no obvious end.

This fascinating and comprehensive volume traces the development, scope and character of sociological research in Russia and subsequently the Soviet Union from the turn of the 20th century to the 1990s. Opening with the lively social debates of pre-Revolution Russia, Elizabeth Weinberg discusses the intellectual factions of the post-Revolutionary period and the eventual replacement of 'idealism' with 'materialism', leading to the emergence of Soviet sociology in 1956. The book examines the methods of research that were accepted as valid for Marxist research, offering a profile of key Soviet sociologists and the research climate in which they operated. It also discusses the main areas of research that predominated in Soviet sociology, with separate chapters on two of the most significant: public opinion research and time-budget studies. This fully revised, newly updated edition of The Development of Sociology in the Soviet Union concludes with a discussion of the involvement of Soviet sociologists in the processes of perestroika and glasnost, and the changing position of sociology from the late 1980s onwards.

How was it possible to write history in the Soviet Union, under strict state control and without access to archives? What methods of research did these 'historians' - be they academic, that is based at formal institutions, or independent - rely on? And how was their work influenced by their complex and shifting relationships with the state? To answer these questions, Barbara Martin here tracks the careers of four bold and important dissidents: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Roy Medvedev, Aleksandr Nekrich and Anton Antonov-Ovseenko. Based on extensive archival research and interviews (with some of the authors themselves, as well as those close to them), the result is a nuanced and very necessary history of Soviet dissident history writing, from the relative liberalisation of de-Stalinisation through increasing repression and persecution in the Brezhnev era to liberalisation once more during perestroika. In the process Martin sheds light onto late Soviet society and its relationship with the state, as well as the ways in which this dissidence participated in weakening the Soviet regime during Perestroika. This is important reading for all scholars working on late Soviet history and society.

Soviet Socialism (1987) is based on the author’s specialized knowledge of many aspects of Soviet politics, including local government, the Communist Party and the Soviet intelligentsia. Written originally after the death of Brezhnev, in the Andropov-Chernenko interregnum, the essays were revised to take account of the accession to power of Mikhail Gorbachev, and they cover a selection of interrelated themes drawn from Soviet politics and society. The detached view the author takes of the Soviet state presents a new and stimulating approach to Soviet studies.

It is now generally agreed that since Stalin's death there has been a definite broadening of group participation in policy formation and implementation. The contributors to this volume analyze seven elite political interest groups at the upper and middle levels of the Soviet social structure. Originally published in 1971. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

How have the fall of the USSR and the long dominance of Putin reshaped Russian politics and culture? Ilya Budraitskis, one of the country's most prominent leftist political commentators, explores the strange fusion of free-market ideology and postmodern nationalism that now prevails in Russia, and describes the post-Soviet evolution of its left. He incisively describes the twists and contradictions of the Kremlin's geopolitical fantasies, which blend up-to-date references to "information wars" with nostalgic celebrations of the tsars of Muscovy. Despite the revival of aggressive Cold War rhetoric, he argues, the Putin regime takes its bearings not from any Soviet inheritance, but from reactionary thinkers such as the White émigré Ivan Ilyin. Budraitskis makes an invaluable contribution by reconstructing the forgotten history of the USSR's dissident left, mapping an entire alternative tradition of heterodox Marxist and socialist thought from Khrushchev's Thaw to Gorbachev's perestroika. Doubly outsiders, within an intelligentsia dominated by liberal humanists, they offer a potential way out of the impasse between condemnations of the entire Soviet era and blanket nostalgia for Communist Party rule--suggesting new paths for the left to explore.